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Hasan Sabbah, prominent Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜iĀ and founder of the medieval Nizari Ismaā€˜ili state (b.ĢżQum, mid-440s AH/1050s CE, d.ĢżAlamut. 518 AH/1124 CE). Little information is available on the early life of Hasan Sabbah, who was referred to asĀ ³§²¹²ā²ā¾±»å²Ō²¹Ģż(our master) by his contemporary Nizari lsmailis. The colourful story, according to which Hasan, Nizam al Mulk, and ā€˜Umar Khayyam had made a pact when they were classmates in their youth under the same master at Nishapur, should be dismissed as a legend (see RashidĀ al-Din, pp. 110-12; Kashani, pp. 146-48; Mirkhand [Tehran], IV. pp. 199-204; Bowen, 1931, pp. 771-82). The events of Hasan’s career as the first ruler ofĀ AlamutĀ are better documented; these events were recorded in theĀ Sargudhasht-i sayyidna, the first part of which may have been autobiographical. Although this chronicle, which marked the initiation of a Nizari tradition of historiography in Persia during theĀ AlamutĀ period, has not survived, it was used extensively by Juwayni, RashidĀ al-DinĀ and Abu’l-Qasim Kashani, who are the chief authorities on Hasan’s life and career (see Daftary, 1992, pp. 91-97).

Hasan Sabbah was born inĀ QumĀ into a Twelver Shiā€˜i family. His father, ā€˜Ali b. Muhammad b. Jaā€˜far al-Sabbah al-Himyari, a Kufan claiming Himyari Yemeni origins, had migrated from Kufa toĀ Qum. Subsequently, the Sabbah family settled down in Ray, where the youthful Hasan received his early religious education (in the Twelver Shiā€˜i tradition). It was at Ray, a centre of Ismaā€˜ili activities since the middle of the 3rd AH/9th CE century, that Hasan was introduced to their teachings by Amira Zarrab, a local Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜i. Later, Hasan learnt more about Ismaā€˜ili doctrines from Abu Nasr Sarraj and otherĀ »å²¹ā€˜isĀ in Ray, and consequently, after having just turned seventeen, Hasan converted to Ismaā€˜ilism and took the oath of allegiance (ā€˜a³ó»å) to the Ismaā€˜iliĀ imamĀ of the time, the FatimidĀ CaliphĀ al-Mustansir (427-87 AH/1036-94 CE).

In Ramadan 464 AH /May-June 1072 CE, the newly initiated Hasan managed to impress ā€˜Abd al-Malik b. ā€˜Attash, the chief Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜iĀ in theĀ SaljuqĀ territories, to such an extent that he appointed him to a position in theĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģż(mission) organisation. In 467 AH/1074-75

CE, Hasan accompanied Ibn ā€˜Attash to Isfahan, the secret headquarters of the Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżin Persia, where he stayed until 469 AH /1076-77 CE, when, on instructions from Ibn ā€˜Attash, he left for Cairo to further his Ismaā€˜ili education. Hasan reached Egypt in Safar 471 AH/August 1078 CE and spent three years there, first in Cairo and then in Alexandria, before returning to Isfahan. Almost nothing is known about Hasan’s experiences in Egypt. According to the lost Nizari chronicles used by Persian historians, while in Egypt he clashed with the FatimidĀ vizierĀ Badr al-Jamali, who at that time had just succeeded al-Mu’ayyad fi’l-Din al-Shirazi as the chiefĀ »å²¹ā€˜iĀ (»å²¹ā€˜iĀ al-duā€˜at). Whether or not this conflict revolved around Hasan’s support for Nizar,Ā ImamĀ al-Mustansir’s heir-designate, who was eventually deprived of succession to the FatimidĀ caliphateĀ by Badr al-Jamali’s own son and successor al-Afdal, Hasan was eventually banished from Egypt on Badr’s instructions. He returned to Isfahan in Dhu’l-hijja 473 AH /June 1081 CE.

Hasan’s subsequent travels over several years in the service of theĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżand to evaluate the military strength of the Saljuqs were limited to different localities in Persia. It was during this period that he formulated his own revolutionary strategy against the Saljuqs. By around 480 AH/1087 CE, Hasan was concentrating his efforts on the region ofĀ Daylam, which was a stronghold ofĀ ³§³ó¾±ā€˜i²õ³¾, remote from the centres ofĀ SaljuqĀ control. He targeted for his headquarters the fortress ofĀ Alamut, located in the central Elburz Mountains of the Rudbar region. Hasan, who soon became theĀ »å²¹ā€˜iĀ ofĀ Daylam, reinvigorated theĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżactivities in northern Persia and finally seizedĀ AlamutĀ in 483 AH/1090 CE by a clever plan of infiltration. This marked the foundation of what was to become the Nizari Ismaā€˜ili state of Persia. Hasan made the fortress impregnable, and improved the cultivation and irrigation systems of theĀ AlamutĀ valley to make it self-sufficient in food production. Similar policies were later implemented in connection with other major Ismaā€˜ili strongholds. Hasan also established an important library atĀ Alamut, whose collections of manuscripts and scientific instruments had grown to impressive proportions by the time the Mongols destroyed the fortress in 654 AH/1256 CE.

Hasan Sabbah seems to have had a complex set of religio-political motives for his revolt against the Saljuqs. As Shiā€˜i Ismaā€˜ili, he could not have tolerated the ardently SunniĀ SaljuqĀ Turks’ hostility towardsĀ ³§³ó¾±ā€˜i²õ³¾Ā and their aim to uproot the FatimidĀ caliphate. Hasan’s revolt was perhaps also an expression of the Persians’ resentment over the alien rule of theĀ SaljuqĀ Turks, since they accounted for a large proportion of the early popular support he received. It was also as an assertion of his ethnic identity that Hasan took the unprecedented step of replacing Arabic with Persian as the religious language of theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ of Persia.

After firmly establishing himself atĀ Alamut, Hasan extended his influence in the region by winning more converts, taking over more strongholds in Rudbar, and building new fortresses wherever he found a suitable location.ĢżAlamutĀ was soon raided by the forces of the nearestĀ SaljuqĀ amir, marking the initiation of an endless series of Saljuq-Ismaā€˜ili military clashes. In 484 AH/1091 CE, Hasan sent theĀ »å²¹ā€˜iĀ Husayn Qa’ini to his native land of Quhistan in southeasternĀ KhurasanĀ to mobilise support there. The early success of theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ of Quhistan soon erupted into a popular uprising seeking independence from the oppressive Saljuqs. TheĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ thus seized control of several towns in Quhistan, which became another region, along with Rudbar, for their activities. In this way, in less than two years after the capture ofĀ Alamut, Hasan Sabbah had founded an independent territorial state for the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ in the midst of theĀ SaljuqĀ sultanate.

In 485 AH/1092 CE, majorĀ SaljuqĀ expeditions were dispatched against theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ in both Rudbar and Quhistan, but these operations came to a halt later in the same year on the assassination of the all-powerfulĀ SaljuqĀ vizierĀ Nizam al-Mulk, followed by Sultan Malikshah’s death a few weeks later. Taking advantage of the prolonged disorder and the rivalries in theĀ SaljuqĀ camp after Malekshah’s demise, Hasan consolidated and extended his power in Rudbar, where he seized the strategically located fortress of Lamasar (Lanbasar) to the west ofĀ Alamut. The PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ now also captured a number of strongholds, including Girdkuh near Damgan, as well as in Arrajan, the border region between Kuzistan andĀ Fars.

By this time, the revolt of the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ against the Saljuqs had already acquired its distinctive pattern and methods of struggle designed by Hasan himself in view of the decentralised nature of political and military power in theĀ SaljuqĀ sultanate. Hasan’s plan was to uproot the Turks one by one from their separate strongholds by sending instructions fromĀ AlamutĀ to his followers in each locality. He is famed for his decision to use assassination as an effective technique of struggle against the decentralisedĀ SaljuqĀ opposition with its vastly superior military strength. This policy soon became identified with the NizariĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ in an exaggerated manner, even though it had been adopted by many before them as well as their contemporaries. The actual Nizari assassinations of their prominent enemies were carried out by targeting key leaders and were never aimed at civilian populations. Invariably, they were countered by massacres ofĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ by the Saljuqs.

The dispute over the succession to the Fatimid Imam-caliph al-Mustansir, who died in 487 AH/1094 CE, led to a permanent schism, splitting theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ into rival Nizari and Mustaā€˜li factions. Hasan Sabbah, who was by then the undisputed leader of the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ and had already adopted an independent policy, supported the cause ofĀ ImamĀ Nizar, Imam-caliph al-Mustansir’s eldest son and designated successor, who had nonetheless been denied the FatimidĀ caliphate. RecognizingĀ ImamĀ Nizar as his father’s successor to the Ismaā€˜iliĀ imamat, Hasan now severed his ties with the Fatimid regime and the Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżheadquarters in Cairo, which had transferred their own allegiance toĀ ImamĀ Nizar’s younger brother, appointing him to the FatimidĀ caliphateĀ with the title of al-Mustaā€˜li bi’llah. Hasan Sabbah had now in effect founded an independent Nizari Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹, and his decision to supportĀ ImamĀ Nizar’s cause was endorsed by all theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ of Persia and Iraq, who came to be known as the Nizariya.

From the early years of the 6th AH/12th CE century, Hasan began to sendĀ »å²¹ā€˜is fromĀ AlamutĀ to Syria, an early Ismaā€˜ili centre of activity, to propagate the NizariĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹. As a result of the activities of theseĀ »å²¹ā€˜is, an expanding Nizari community soon emerged in Syria which eventually became the sole representation ofĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ there. However, almost half a century of continuous efforts were needed before theĀ NizarisĀ could gain possession of a group of permanent strongholds in central Syria, which was affiliated to the Nizari state in Persia.

AfterĀ ImamĀ Nizar was killed in Cairo in 488 AH/1095 CE, the NizariĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ were left without an accessibleĀ imam. Indeed,Ā ImamĀ Nizar’s own name and caliphal title (al-Mustafa li-Din Allah) continued to be mentioned for almost seventy years after his death on coins struck atĀ AlamutĀ (see Miles, 1972, pp. 155-62). In the absence of a manifestĀ imam, Hasan himself served as the head of the NizariĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżand state, with the rank ofĀ ³ó³ÜĀįĀį²¹Ģż(chief representative of the hidden imam). The NizariĀ imamĀ assumed authority four decades after Hasan’s own death (see Ivanow, 1933 [Haft bab-i Baba Sayyidna], p. 21; Tusi, 1950, text p. 148, tr. p. 173; Quhistani, 1959, text pp. 23, 43).

Outsiders from early on gained the impression that the movement of the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ led by Hasan Sabbah represented a new teaching, and it became designated as the ā€˜new preaching’ (al-»å²¹ā€˜w²¹ al jadida) in contradistinction to the ā€˜old preaching’ (al-»å²¹ā€˜w²¹ al-qadima) of the FatimidĀ Ismaā€˜ilis. However, the ā€˜new preaching’ was no more than the reformulation of the established Shiā€˜i doctrine ofĀ ³Ł²¹ā€˜l¾±³¾Ģż(authoritative instruction). This doctrine was restated more vigorously by Hasan in a Persian treatise entitledĀ Chahar fasl, ā€˜The Four Chapters’ (Arabic:Ā al Fusul al-arbaā€˜a) which, although not extant, has been preserved fragmentarily by, amongst others, his contemporary Abu’l-Fath Shahrastani (d. 548/1153), who may have had Ismaā€˜ili leanings (see Shahrastani, 1968. II, pp. 195-98; idem, 1984, pp. 165, 167-70; Juwayni, 1912- 37, III, pp. 195-99; idem. 1958, II, pp. 671-73; RashidĀ al-Din, pp. 105-7; Kashani, pp. 142-43). In a series of four propositions, Hasan argued for the inadequacy of human reason in knowing God and for the necessity of an authoritative teacher (muā€˜allim-i sadiq) as the spiritual guide of men, who would be none other than the Ismaā€˜iliĀ imamĀ of the time. Henceforth, the PersianĀ NizarisĀ became known also as theĀ °Õ²¹ā€˜l¾±³¾¾±²ā²¹. The anti-Ismaā€˜ili polemics of the contemporary Sunni establishment, led by Muhammad Ghazali and endorsed by Nizam al-Mulk, were focused directly against this doctrine of taā€˜lim, which served as the central teaching of the NizariĀ Ismaā€˜ilis.

The fortunes of the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ continued to rise in Barkyaruq’s reign (487-98 AH/1094- 1105 CE), when they achieved new gains closer to the seat ofĀ SaljuqĀ power in Isfahan, seizing the fortress ofĀ Shahdiz, also known as Dizkuh. Having grown weary of the general threat of theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ toĀ SaljuqĀ rule, Barkyaruq and Sanjar now agreed to check, in their respective territories, the rising power of theĀ Ismaā€˜ilis. This strategy was more effectively pursued, however, by Muhammad Tapar (498-511 AH/1105-18 CE) who, in 503 AH/1109 CE, initiated a major and prolonged campaign againstĀ AlamutĀ itself. Hasan’s defence ofĀ AlamutĀ during this period was a blow to the Saljuqs, who failed to take the fortress by assault or attrition despite their superior military power. By the time of Muhammad Tapar’s death, Saljuq-Ismaā€˜ili relations had entered a new phase of stalemate, with the PersianĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ successfully defending important territories, including mountain strongholds, villages and towns in Rudbar, Quhistan and Kumesh (Arabic: Qumis). Although Hasan Sabbah had failed to overcome the Saljuqs, he did succeed in founding both a state and the independent Nizari Ismaā€˜iliĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹, which survived the downfall of the Nizari state.

An organiser and a political strategist of the highest calibre, Hasan Sabbah was at the same time a trained theologian. He led an austere life and is said to have observed theĀ ²õ³ó²¹°ł¾±ā€˜aĢżvery strictly himself as well as imposing it on his Nizari community; equally strict with friend and foe, he had both his sons executed, one for alleged murder, the other on suspicion of drinking wine. He is also said to have sent his wife and daughters away permanently to Girdkuh, where they earned a living by spinning. The Persian historians relate that during all the thirty-four years that Hasan lived atĀ Alamut, he never descended from the castle. RashidĀ al-DinĀ (pp. 133-34) reports that he spent most of his time inside his personal quarters reading books, committing the teachings of theĀ »å²¹ā€˜w²¹Ģżto writing and administering the affairs of his realm.

When he sensed that he was reaching the end of his life, Hasan summoned Kia Buzurg-Umid, his capable lieutenant at Lamasar, and designated him as his successor inĀ Alamut. He died, after a brief illness, on 26 Rabiā€˜ II 518 AH/12 June 1124 CE (or possibly twenty days earlier), and was buried nearĀ Alamut. Hasan Sabbah’s mausoleum was regularly visited by the NizariĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ until it was demolished by the Mongols in 654 AH/1256 CE.

Primary SourcesĀ 

Hafiz Abru.ĢżMajmaā€˜ al-tawarikh al-sultaniya: qismat-i khulafa’ ā€˜Alawiya-yeĀ MaghribĀ wa Misr wa Nezariyan, ed. M. Mudarresi-Zanjani. Tehran, 1364 S/1985, pp. 191-226.

Ibn al-Athir.Ģżal-Ta’rikh al-kamil. Cairo, 1303/1885, IX, pp. 266-73, 311-12, 358, 385; X, pp. 161-62, 216, 217, 299-302, 369-70.

Ibn al-Qalanisi.ĢżDhayl tarikh Dimashq, ed. H. F. Amedroz. Leiden, 1908, pp. 151-56; ed. S. Zakkar. Damascus, 1983, pp. 244-50.

ā€˜Ata Malik Juwayni.ĢżTa’rikh-i jahan-gushay, ed. M. Qazvini. Leiden/London, 1912-37, III, pp. 186-216, 269-73; tr. John A. Boyle, Cambridge, MA, 1958; II, pp. 668-83, 719-21.

Abu’l-Qasim ā€˜Abd Allah b. ā€˜Ali Kashani.ĢżZubdat al-tawarikh: bakhsh-i Fatimiyan wa Nizariyan, ed. M. T. Daneshpazuh, 2nd ed. Tehran, 1366 S/1987, pp. 133-72, 186-90.

Hamd Allah Mustawfi.ĢżTarikh-i gozida, ed. ā€˜Abd al-Husayn Nava’i. Tehran, 1339 S/1960, pp. 445-46, 518-21.

øé²¹²õ³ó¾±»åĢż²¹±ō-¶Ł¾±²Ō.ĢżJami’ al-tawarikh: qismat-i Ismaā€˜iliyan, ed. M. T. Daneshpazuh and M. Mudarresi-Zanjani. Tehran, 1338 S/1959, pp. 97-137, 149-53.

Muhammad b. ā€˜Ali al-Rawandi.ĢżRahat al-sudur, ed. M. Iqbal, London, 1921, pp. 155-62.

Abu’l-Fath Shahrastani.ĢżKitab al-milal wa’l-nihal, ed. ā€˜A. M. al-Wakil. Cairo, 1968, II, pp. 195-98.

Idem.ĢżMuslim Sects and Divisions, tr. A. K. Kazi and J. G. Flynn. London, 1984.

ZahirĀ al-DinĀ Nishapuri.ĢżSaljuq-nama. Tehran, 1332 S/1953, pp. 40-42.

NasirĀ al-DinĀ Tusi.ĢżRawdat al-taslim, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow. Leiden, 1950.

Abu Ishaq Quhistani.Ģż±į²¹“ڳŁĢż²ś²¹²ś, ed. and tr. W. Ivanow. Bombay, 1959.

Secondary SourcesĀ 

Harold Bowen. ā€˜TheĀ sargudhasht-i sayyidna: The Tale of the Three Schoolfellows and theĀ ·É²¹²õ²¹²ā²¹Ģżof the Nizam al-Mulk,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1931, pp. 771-82.

Farhad Daftary.ĢżThe Ismaā€˜ilis: Their History and Doctrines. Cambridge, 1990, pp. 324-71, 669-81 (citing further references).

Idem.ĢżThe Assassin Legends: Myths of theĀ Ismaā€˜ilis. London, 1994, index.

Idem. ā€˜Persian Historiography of the Early NizariĀ Ismaā€˜ilis,’ ±õ°ł²¹²ŌĢż30, 1992, pp. 91-97.

Idem. ā€˜Hasan-i Sabbah and the Origins of the Nizari Ismaā€˜ili Movement,’ in F. Daftary, ed.ĢżMediaeval Ismaā€˜ili History and Thought. Cambridge, 1996, pp. 181-204.

Carole Hillenbrand. ā€˜The Power Struggle between the Saljuqs and theĀ Ismaā€˜ilisĀ ofĀ Alamut, 487-518/1094-1124: theĀ SaljuqĀ Perspective,’ in F. Daftary, ed.ĢżMediaeval Ismaā€˜ili History and Thought. Cambridge, 1996, pp. 205-220.

Marshall G. S. Hodgson.ĢżThe Order of Assassins. The Hague, 1955, pp. 41-98.

Idem. ā€˜The Ismaā€˜ili State,’ inĀ Cambridge History of Iran, IV, pp. 424-49.

Wladimir Ivanow, ed.ĢżTwo Early Ismaā€˜ili Treatises. Bombay, 1933.

Bernard Lewis.ĢżThe Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam. London, 1967, pp. 38-63, 145-52.

Wilferd Madelung.ĢżReligious Trends in Early Islamic Iran. Albany, NY, 1988, pp. 9-12, 101- 3.

George C. Miles. ā€˜Coins of the Assassins ofĀ Alamut,’ Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 3, 1972, pp. 155-62.

Ismail K. Poonawala.ĢżBiobibliography of Ismaā€˜ili Literature. Malibu, CA, 1977, pp. 251-54.

This is an edited version of an article that was originally published inĀ , Vol. XII, Columbia University, New York, 1996. pp. 34- 37.

Author

Dr Farhad Daftary

Co-Director and Head of the Department of Academic Research and Publications

An authority in Shi’i studies, with special reference to its Ismaili tradition, Dr. Daftary has published and lectured widely in these fields of Islamic studies. In 2011 a Festschrift entitledĀ Fortresses of the IntellectĀ was produced to honour Dr. Daftary by a number of his colleagues and peers.

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